Wednesday, October 3, 2007

Why it’s called “Aceh”?

“a c e h” is known as a province in Indonesia (. There are different rumors and opinions about the name. Some Acehnese even jokes that ACEH is the abbreviation of Arabic, Chinese, Europe and Hindia. And of course, it cannot be taken as principal in scientific linguistics. What about old alphabetical spell (Atjheh)?

Still there are other histories about naming “aceh”:
Once upon a time, princess from Hindustan had lost and had been looked by her ancestors till they reached Sumatra Island. They arrived in ‘aceh land’ and found the princess. The ancestors then explained to the community who stayed in that island that the princess is their relative. Her brother, leader of the ancestors, reminded them again that the princess is his “aci”. The community replied the princess has good behavior, respective, and they thought she has aristocrat view.


The community then agreed to choose the princess role them as the king. And they were agree to give “aci” as name for that new kingdom. Time by time, “aci” was changed into ‘Acai’ and changed again into ‘aceh’ which mean the beautiful island.
According to Valentijn (1688), Aceh also come from “Acai” a Hindustani terminology, which mean ‘beautiful. This naming was coming from the visitors from India. They were overawed on the panorama in Aceh. They used to call “Acai”, “Acai”.
The following logical story may has possibility: “Aceh may come from name of tree or name of river”

The former community at their old age century usually known as nomadic. They move from one place to another place but not far from the river and also many trees. They know that water is the source of their life. Therefore, long time ago, “aceh” may be taken from a name of the river in this land. As we know there is a river in this area known as “Sungai Aceh” and still may be there is other “pohon Aceh”. This can have possibility that ‘Aceh’ may come from a name of the river and tree. May be, they had been trying to stay near ‘sungai Aceh’ river, build the houses, raising animals, growth the families and then creating a community.

The following names support that story such as name of lhokseumawe (lhok: depth of river water) and ‘seumawe’ semak+awe=rattan, other words such as lhoksukon (lhok: depth of river water and sukon),

In fact, exact meaning and scientific research about the history of naming the area as ACEH are not found yet. Naming based on the history above is only self-story based or exaggeration on story.


But at least man…we have story and what your??

De Crez

Thursday, September 20, 2007

THE MORPHOLOGY OF NOUNS IN PAKPAK DAIRI

1.1 Background
Pakpak is a language spoken in the regent of Dairi in North Sumatra. The area borders with Lake Toba on the west side. The people call themselves Pakpak. Most of the pakpak are bilingual; they speak Pakpak as well as Indonesian. Pakpak is used especially in daily activities, in informal as well as formal occasion, for example in ceremonial party, wedding and other daily activities such as in household or social activities.

Although the area of Dairi surrounded by mostly Batak area, Pakpak is not Batak. Pakpak language is different from Batak. If one speaks Pakpak to a Batak, he will not understand it.
Pakpak language has three main dialect, those are Kelasen dialect (mostly used at North Tapanuli), Old Pakpak dialect (Dairi district) and Boang dialect (south east Aceh and Karo).
Social interaction between the society of Pakpak sets according to (marga) clan from father (patrilineal). There are five clans in Pakpak: Tambunan, Berutu, Manik, Bintang and Mungkur. Those five clans, again, have sub-clans which commonly added to the main clan. The children, male and female, follow the clan from their father. The female who has married will move to the clan of her husband.

Pakpak has three categorizations on their social interaction: (a) dengen sabeltek: all male in one/same clan. (b) beru: female (wife), husband, children, and family from husband, and (c) kula-kula: parents and family of wife. The characteristic of dengen sebeltek or dengen sabituka in the tradition is one word, togetherness in all activities in every activity regarding on that tradition.

The characteristic of beru is shown by respecting her kula-kula; they give rice or olis (traditional clothes) for kula-kula in traditional ceremony. Interaction in the Pakpak society is set by delikan si telu. It is a symbol of democracy.

Tokor beru is a terminology in wedding ceremony when someone gets married. A man has to give tokor beru to kula-kula, it can be as money, cows, gold or etc. A man who has not get married can not be accepted in the traditional ceremony as well. That is why, if he get married he has to learn more how to communicate with his older generation. This communication is called by “bertutur” (asking relationship of the family or marga/clan)

Most of the Pakpak are farmers, planting rice, growing coffee, vegetables and fruit, and some of them working as blacksmith. They sell their commodity to the market once a week.

Regarding on their religion, the Pakpak in early time believes in animism, many people at that time used black or white magic, believes to evils and devils. In the 19 century, Islam and catholic came to this area bringing Gods believes to them. Nowadays people in Pakpak has left their old believes and become a Moslem or Christian. Some of the old habit/ tradition are still left such as pepiher tendi (a party that aim to support someone’s success) and pengupah-upahen (food contribution) to the family or friends in traditional ceremony.

There has een very little research on Pakpak. Some previous research shown the existence of morphological process and morphophonemic rules in the language, for example: verb 'mengelabaŋ' which came from prefix me- and noun /labaŋ/ ‘nail’; the form of the word is changed from ‘me-‘ into ‘menge-‘. Then noun /pemekpek/ 'stick’ came from prefix pe- and verb /pekpek/ ‘hit’; in this process, the allomorph process occurs in the word /pekpek/ and changed into /pem-/.

Although morphophonemic process in Pakpak has been identified, but the system of its noun morphology has not give details explanation even in general. The information about its structures, morphological features, types, and formations of nouns in Pakpak are urgently required to be researched. Therefore the present research has focused on the morphology of nouns.

1.2 Problem of the Study
This research ‘The Morphology of Nouns in Pakpak is trying to find out the problems of study in the following:
- What are the characteristics of nouns in Pakpak?
- How are the morphological process of noun in Pakpak?
- How is the formation on nouns in Pakpak?
- What is the reduplications system of nouns in Pakpak?

1.3 Aims of the Study
According to the problems mentioned above, the aims of this research are:
· To describe characteristic of nouns in Pakpak
· To describe morphological process in Pakpak
· To describes formation of nouns in Pakpak
· To describe the reduplication of nouns in Pakpak

1.4 Significant of the Study
Based on the previous explanation on the background, the significances of the study from the research are:
- As source of information about this language
- A contribution to the bibliography of Pakpak

1.5 Organization of the Study
This thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one deals with background (literature review to Pakpak language), problem, scope, significance, and the organization of the study. Chapter two deals with the review of literature relevant to morphology of nouns in Pakpak language in Dairi include short note of the sound system in Dairi. This chapter also describes the theories related to which this study concern about. Chapter three content of the research methodology which includes population and sample, location and procedure of collecting data. Chapter four presents result and discussion of nouns in Pakpak language in Dairi. The last, chapter five deal with the conclusion and suggestion

Tuesday, September 18, 2007

THE MORPHOLOGY OF ADJECTIVES IN KARONESE


1.2 Background
Karonese belongs to an ethnic group or tribe on highlands of North Sumatra, Indonesia. They live in Berastagi, Kabanjahe, Simpang Empat, Pancur Batu, and villages around them. The area is in North West region of Toba Lake which covers about 5.000 km wide. Astronomically the area is located between 30 and 30300 in north latitude and 980 in north longitude.
The area consists of two main parts:
The high land of Karo or Karo Gugung, covers all locations of Karo district with Kabanjahe as central administration of the district.
The low land of Karo or Karo Jahe, which covers some locations in other district such as Langkat and Deli Serdang.

The highland of Karo is the cultural centre of the Karonese. Therefore, the original language in this area is not much affected by other languages. The people use the language in all activities, especially cultural and daily occasions, the language is mostly used. In this area, the people live on agriculture, like planting vegetables, fruits, and rice for their consumption and their commercial commodity. Vegetables, fruits and rice are produced for domestic and export consumption.

The lowland people grow plants like rubber and oil palm. In this area the culture is very much influenced by Malay and also other cultures such as those of, Indian, Acehnese and Javanese. Lowland of Karo is close to Medan, North Sumatra. Their language is very much influenced by neighboring people. In fact, most young people use Indonesian in their daily communication.
Describing about general culture of Karonese, the clans are very important to the people. There are five clans in Karo, those are: Tarigan, Karo-Karo, Sembiring, Ginting, and Perangin-angin. Each of the clan is claimed to have been born from the king in tradition. However, there come again names to which a clan call the other clan. These names called Tutur Siwaluh: senina, turang, bapa, nande, bengkila, bibi and mama. Karo also has marital or family names to other family. It is known as Rakut Sitelu which contents of three names: Sembuyak, Kalimbubu and Anak Beru.

There is expectation slogan influenced daily activities in Karo. The slogan is Sura-sura pusuh peraten. This slogan is assumptions to their live, Tuah which means by requesting mercy and blessing from god, to have good generation. Sangap, balance in economy and livelihood. Mejuah-juah, which mean to have wealth, live in peace, spirit to work and balance between human to human, human to nature and human to god. All these three expectations is related one to another.

Although the Karonese are divided into clans, they speak one language, Karonese. Karonese consists of three main dialects: Karo Gunung-gunung dialect (west high land), Kabanjahe dialect (east high land) and Jahe-jahe dialect (low land of Karo)

There are more sub-dialects in Karonese according to certain aspects lexical or phonologycally. Sub-dialects commonly define from area of community or village such as Singalur Lau dialect, which spoken by people in Tiga Binanga, and Tiga Lingga; Cingkes dialect which spoken in Cingkes district and dialect Bintang Meriah which spoken by people around Kuta Buluh district. According to analysis of variations among main dialects and sub-dialects, geographically those dialects can be mapped by dividing it into two area, West Karo and East Karo. West Karo here includes Singalur Lau dialect, Tongkoh dialect, Jahe-Jahe dialect, and Tiga Panah dialect. East Karo includes Kabanjahe dialect, Bintang Meriah dialect, Payung dialect, and Simpang Empat dialect.

The features that differentiate the dialects are mostly found in phonology and lexical items. West Karo dialect, phonologically, has distinctive feature in derivation of vowel of the east Karo. Some of the differences are shown below.
East Karo : word with /u/ in final syllable
West Karo : word with /o/ in final syllable.
Examples:
/waluh/ ‘eight’ /wal h/
/kerahung/ ‘throat’ /kerahong/
/mbur/ ‘fat’ /mbor/

East Karo : word with /i/ in final syllable
West Karo : word with /o/ in final syllable.
Examples:

/siti ? / ‘little’ /sit? /
/kentisi? / ‘a moment’ /kenti?/
/malir/ ‘flow’ /maler/

There are words in East Karo content of /u/ or /e/ but found in West Karo with /i/.
Examples:
/meluhε/ ‘hungry’ /melihε/
/bentuha/ ‘rainbow’ /bentiha/
/ndeher/ ‘close’ /ndiher/

Diphthong in the final word in East Karo dialect found in monopthong in West Karo dialect.
Examples:
/ndiganai/ ‘when’ /ndiganε/
/jaun/ ‘corn’ /jon/
/ndauh/ ‘far’ /ndoh/

Some lexical features come with phonologic variation are:
/mberti? / ‘papaya’ /perti? /
/kiam/ ‘run’ /gian/
/tualah/ ‘coconut’ /talah/

Reduplication, morphologically, in East Karo dialect replaced in partial repetition in West dialect.
Example:
/gawahgawah/ ‘traveling’ /gagawah/
Base on this concept, there are still many current distinctive features found in other sub-dialect in Karo lexically or phonologically. For example, terminology of Karonese for grandfather and grandmother is ‘nini bulan’ and ‘nini tuduŋ’ according to East Karo. But West Karo dialect used in low land the terminology came into ‘bolaŋ’ and ‘nondoŋ’. East Karo tend to diphthongize final /e/ and / /. For example, [bage] ‘seems like’ [bagai] and [rim ] ‘orange’ [rim u]. Sub-dialect Singalur Lau which is used in Tiga Binanga and Tiga Lingga, has current characteristic, such as derivation of final /a/ into /e/ in [juma] ‘land’ [jume].
Generally, dissimilar dialect in Karo does not indicate misunderstanding between the utterances in their communication. The typical dialects give more appreciation to the speakers about area or region of Karo indeed. However, East Karo dialect seems to be more acceptable when searching for the standard of Karonese. This notion according to the reality that Kabanjahe is located in the middle of Karo area while in the other hand it also stands as a central commercial activities and the district of government activities. Regarding to the fact, the writer intents to have data of this study found based on the East Karo location dialect.
The published study of Karonese language writes about grammatical rules and linguistic patterns at general issues. This condition still remains complicated understanding about Karonese. Owing to the fact, the writer then start to give a detail view to adjective form in Karonese since adjective form becomes one of the important link in understanding a language. The writer admits that scientific discussion is crucially needed to keep this language exists in linguistic literature.

1.2 Problem
The adjective is the focus of this study. Therefore the problem can be formulated as follow:
How is the morphology of adjectives in Karonese?

1.3 Scope
The scope of study is limited to adjectives form in Karonese. This limitation aims to prevent bias or complicated understanding through other morphologic rules.

1.4 Aim
The aim of this study is obviously to find out how the morphology of adjective in Karonese is.

1.5 Significance
This study has contribution in supporting information about Karonese language especially adjective forms. On the other hand, it is also hoped to give literature references for those who concern their study in morphology. And simply, of course, give bibliography to enrich student in field of linguistics.

1.6 Organization
This thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one deals with background (literature review to Karo include culture and language history), problem, scope, significance, and the organization of the study. Chapter two deals with the review of literature relevant to morphology of adjective in Karonese include short note of the sound system in Karonese. This chapter also describes the theories related to which this study concern about. Chapter three content of the research methodology which includes population and sample, location and procedure of collecting data. Chapter four presents result and discussion of adjective in Karonese. The last, chapter five deal with the conclusion and suggestion.